What Sort of a Nationalist Was Musaddiq?
Introduction
Nationalism has long been associated with several leaders of the world and the use of the term in political discourses has been wide and profound. In the developing world, nationalism is perhaps the key element that facilitated attainment of independence from colonial masters. This paper will look at the popularly-elected Iranian Prime Minister- Mohammad Musaddiq and contextualize him in the context of nationalism. The aim is to determine the kind of a nationalist Musaddiq was.
In order to do this, the paper will first look at the wider “third world nationalism” and then juxtapose Musaddiq in that context. In the end, it will be seen that Musaddiq was a staunch Iranian civic nationalist, especially in the way he fought for Iranian sovereignty and the principle of constitutionalism.
Third World Nationalism
Nationalism can be conceptualized as the feeling of patriotism, accompanied by principles and efforts that support such feelings[1]. The rise of Third World Nationalism occurred in the second half of the 20th century when many nations in the developing world attained independence and self determination. This is the period in history that marked the breakage of colonial chains that had locked the third world colonies. Although resistance movements had already started when the colonial masters invaded the colonies and controlled the people, the waves and strength of nationalism did not reach peak until after the Second World War[2]. It is at this time that the charismatic leaders in the colonies rose and agitated for political independence of their mother countries. There were many movements across the third world whose ideology was motivated by nationalistic themes and expressed strong message for emancipation from colonialism. Countries were yearning for freedom and sovereignty.
It encompasses the advocacy for independence for the country. The early life of Musaddiq in politics demonstrates this issue very well. Musaddiq was born and grew up in the context where he would learn more about Iranian politics and grew to dislike the notion of foreign interference. Essentially, he was born to a prominent family of high officials within Tehran. In fact, his father Mirza Hideyatu’llah Ashtiani was a finance minister during the Qajar dynasty in 1951.[3] Musaddiq’s education in Europe further increased his nationalism as he pursued law. The Iranian Constitutional Revolution facilitated Musaddiq’s nationalism because he gained insights for pursuing constitutionalism that guarantees the sovereignty of the nation.
Musaddiq rose to positions that further elevated him to nationalistic activities. Particularly, he became the minister of justice during the premiership of Hassan Pirnia.[4] As a finance minister later, Musaddiq realized that most of the revenue in Iran was controlled by foreign forces and that Iran was getting a raw deal from Britain in terms of the share of profits. Before becoming the governor of the Azerbaijan Province, Musaddiq also served as the foreign minister (1921 in the government of Moshi-ed-Dowleh, after which he was re-elected to the Majlis in 1923.[5] These positions critical for Musaddiq and prepared him for the pursuit of the people’s interest in a context of civic nationalism. Third World nationalism illustrates the collective state of consciousness among the people in the Third World where duty and loyalty are directed to the nation-state. Musaddiq had already served the nation in various leadership capacities and had deep reservations for a robust Iran free of external aggression. Nationalism especially in the Third World encompasses the desire to create new nations that are sovereign while initiating economic and political transformations for the development of the nations.[6]Musaddiq was instrumental in initiating these changes as substantiated by his active participation in Iranian administration in different capacities.
Musaddiq’s Nationalism
Born in 1882, Musaddiq was educated in Europe and became a staunch lawyer and politician. This set pace for his stormy political career.[7] As observed previously, his political career came to limelight during the Iranian Constitutional Revolution of 1905-1907. Reza Khan increasingly became a barrier to Musaddiq’s nationalism because of the former’s close association with the western countries. In 1925, there was a proposition that was indirectly initiated by Reza Khan favored the dissolution of the Qajar dynasty and appointment of Reza Khan as the new Shah[8]. This was against the Constitution and Musaddiq opposed the move. He argued that doing so would smear the 1906 Iranian constitution. Musaddiq argued that such an act would amount to subversion to the law. With dexterity and tact, however, Musaddiq did not invite a verbal or physical confrontation with the supporters of Reza Khan. As a nationalist, he spoke well of Reza Khan and urged him to be the Prime Minister rather than the Shah. He noted the political and economic achievements that Reza Khan had made and his (Khan’s) contribution to Iranian national development. Later on that year the Majlis officially ended the Qajar rule and declared Reza Khan as the new king.
Upon his return, he became preoccupied with National Front of Iran, an organization that he cofounded.[9] One of the aims of the National Front of Iran was to cultivate fertile grounds where democracy would thrive in Iran and among Iranians. Musaddiq and his colleagues considered democracy as the ultimate tool and political ideology through which would grow and establish itself as a robust and bright star in the constellation of world nations. .
Another significant aim of the National Front of Iran was to put foreign presence in Iranian political from to a cessation.[10] They considered foreign interference with Iranian politics as injurious especially given the fact that Iran has conventionally been a hub of oil production and a giant oil producer in the Middle East. Specifically, Musaddiq and his colleagues were looking at the possibilities of nationalizing the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC).[11] The overall aim was to ensure that the Iran was out of foreign control in regard to its politics and economy. Essentially, the Persian Gulf was the hub of most of Iran’s oil reserves and oil production system had been developed by the British Anglo-Iranian Oil Company. It dawned to the nationalists that Iran was actually getting a raw deal from the Company since AIOC declined to provide equal gain of the profit to Iran.[12]This issue made the nationalization of oil was a fundamental and a major issue for the Iranians. In 1951, the Iranian Senate passed a bill to nationalize the AIOC that was until then ran by Britain. This move witnessed the control of Iran’s oil industry turn to Iranians exclusively.
In 1951, the Majlis voted for Musaddiq and the latter was elected as the Prime Minister.[13]This was after the Majlis hqad voted for nationalization of the oil company and after Musaddiq was elected in the following elections to the Majlis. However, his appointment was short-lived because there was a coup d’état in 1953 that reinstated Mohammed Reza Shah and the plot to depose Mosaddiq were underway. Under the patronage of Musaddiq, Iran went through major changes in social and economic facets. There were social reforms that focused on employment where there was national compensation for unemployment. The persons working in factories and industries witnessed improvement of the working conditions. This is because factory owners were obligated to pay the workers benefits and those who were subjected to forced labor were introduced to pay rolls. There were development in housing, sanitation and general social welfare.
After the Majlis voted for nationalization of the company, oil concession were cancelled. This was the hallmark of nationalization of the AIOLC.[14] The nationalization of the oil company led to disagreement and tension between the Musaddiq and Britain. The latter put conditions that thwarted sale of oil by Iran. Britain filed complaint at the United Nations Security Council after it had withdrawn technical work on the refineries and had reinforced naval force in the Persian Gulf. Iran’s income reduced as oil production and sale went down significantly. Eventually, there was common agreement by the United States (using CIA) and Britain (using M16) to overthrow Musaddiq completely and succumb him to political oblivion in the infamous Operation Ajax.[15] Musaddiq was later arrested, put on trial and sentenced. He spent the rest of his life under house arrest in his estate of Tehran.
Analysis of Musaddiq’s and the Shah’s Nationalism
The discussion above shows the participation of Musaddiq in the liberation of Iran against the negative influence of western powers- Britain and the United States. His kind of nationalism is illuminated by his role in ensuring that there was cessation of Britain’s participation in Iranian oil. This was through the nationalization of the oil company. In this point of view, Musaddiq exemplified liberation nationalism and he thus emerged as liberation nationalist. In liberation nationalism, nationalists are interested in emancipation of the nation from foreign control and manipulation. In the case of Iran, the nation was being exploited by Britain since there was no guarantee that the nation had equal share of profits. In the event that a nation is being economically or politically exploited or persecuted by another nation, nationalists call for liberation and movements for this are motivated by restoration of self-determination and independence. In a similar way, Musaddiq saw that Iran was being exploited economically and politically by the foreign powers (Allied powers).
It has been observed that one of the aims of the National Front of Iran was to end the presence of foreign (British) influence in Iran’s economy and politics. This was particularly the case because the foreign forces worked against the development of Iran as shown by the foul play in the share of oil profits. In this regard, Musaddiq can be regarded as a liberation nationalist since the aim was to free Iran from foreign influence. Musaddiq wanted the liberation of Iran and emancipation from what may be called neo-colonialism.[16] In the discussion about the nationalism of the Third World, the aim of nationalistic movements is to promote self-rule and self-determination. By pushing for the nationalization of the oil company, Musaddiq was a nationalist in practice.
Further, it has been noted that when Khan wanted to make himself the Shah, Musaddiq amicably urged him to respect the constitution. This means that he (Musaddiq) approached national matters with care to avoid internal conflicts. This is an indication that Musaddiq was a cultural nationalist. This is because he wanted to promote the Iranian culture of pacification and peaceful coexistent of its people. Musaddiq also emerges as a nationalist when he wanted to protect the Iranian constitution by urging those who were violating its provisions to respect it.
A civic nationalist cares for the national social and political development as shown in the discussion of Third World Nationalism. Civic nationalism entails promotion of the relationship between people and the state while facilitating the promotion of people’s rights and welfare. In that spirit, when he came to power, Musaddiq led secular democracy and introduced a wide range of progressive social and political reforms. He dealt with the issue of violation of people’s rights by factory owners. He addressed the issue of unemployment through compensation and initiated social security, rent control and land reforms. All these were geared towards achieving equal rights and promoting people’s participation in political process. Although Mohammad Reza Shah had similar ambitions, they were not implemented to the satisfaction of the Iranians. This factor can explain why the Shah was later ousted through a revolution.
Further, Mohammad Reza Shah had gained a lot of power with the support of the foreign allies after his ascendancy to power. He also monarchy in lieu of democracy as reflected by his acceptance of the position of Shah from his ousted father. However, it is known that democracy is the political ideology that ensures people’s participation in the political process and upholding of individual rights and liberties. By favoring and supporting monarchy, Mohammed RezaShah unlike Musaddiq was not nationalistic to democratic Iran. He wanted power to revolve around his family while suppressing most rights of the people. By accepting the position of the Shah without elections, Mohammad Reza was knowingly violating the Iranian constitution. Mohammad Reza Shah was not a liberation nationalist because he favoured the presence of allied forces that helped him come to power. This can be shown by the implicit support he had by the time the M16 and CIA from Britain and America respectively that ousted Musaddiq through a coup d’état.[17]Musaddiq was ousted because of his strong stand on the end of foreign influence in Iran as demonstrated by his policies. However, Mohammad Reza Shah, based on ethnicity, did not pursue the good of Iranians as Musaddiq did.
Mohammad Shah is said to have initiated several social, economic and political reforms during his tenure that lay the foundation of the modern Iranian state. However, critics have argued that Reza Shah failed to end despotic rule in Iran during his time. Essentially, he failed to modernize the Iranian peasantry as the peasant population wallowed in poverty and experienced low social and economic status. This failure is regarded as the genesis of the Iranian Revolution. In addition, he insisted on ethnic nationalism as well as cultural unitarism. This was followed by the settlement of Iranian groups in territories and forced detribalization.[18] Through this ideology and system of governance, Reza Shah sowed the seeds of ethnic differences and separation in Iran. Eventually, this led to the marginalization of many ethnic and social groups in Iran. Particularly, he segregated people along the lines of ethnicity and caused deep divisions among the people from different social and ethnic groups.
In his reign, many would think that Reza Shah was a nationalist. This is because he often asserted that each country has its own ruling system. This would mean that the foreign forces in Iran were not welcome. However, in deeper understanding, Reza Shah used this slogan as a tool to affirm his despotism and totalitarian rule. He added that since each country has its own system of rule, Iran was a one man system. The meaning beneath is that Reza Shah was pursuing monarchy and repression. Nevertheless, he was instrumental in appealing to the United Nations that the name Iran be used as the official name of the country instead of the name Persia. Many people especially from the tribes, the clergy and youths however, opposed Reza Shah because of the marginalization he subjected them to.
Reza Shah thus differs sharply with Musaddiq more so in terms of nationalism. Although he initiated social, economic and political reforms, not all reforms were favourable to Iranians. In fact, his political reforms divided the Iranians along the ethnic lines. Unlike Reza Shah, Musaddiq pursued equality for all people. His focus was on the poor and the working class. As shown previously, Musaddiq, whilst in power embarked on positive reforms such as social security, rent control and land reforms. These reforms essentially targeted the peasants and the landless. Reza Shah however pursued ethnic nationalism where he favored his tribe and disregarded other social and ethnic groups.
It has been pointed out Reza Shah sowed the seeds of ethnicity in Iran through favouring not only monarchy but also pursuing the ends of his ethnic group. This was continued by Mohammad Shah who would organize celebration for the inception of monarchy system. This is exemplified by the profligate celebrations of 2500 years of monarchy. Such extravagant celebrations were done while people experienced food shortage. This shows that the Shah was misplacing resources and neglecting the needs of the people. Unlike Musaddiq who was pursuing the noble course including social welfare, the Shah did not. Further, the Shah changed the calendar of Iran to Islamic where the first date of accession of Cyrus the Great was used as the reference point in favour of a monarchical date. This demonstrates the extent to which the Shah was not only powerful but used power to personalize public affairs.
When the Anglo-Soviet invasion on Iran made Reza Shah to step down, his son Mohammad Reza became the Shah. The new Shah was however, an ethnic nationalist and focused more on ethnicity rather than pursuing the good of all Iranians. It is even conceivable that his regard for monarchy was a manifestation of his deep rooted ethnicity. Further, the Shah was favored by the American and British governments because of the cooperation he accorded them as they helped in his ascendancy to power. Although it is in his reign that there was the nationalization of the Iranian oil industry, much of the effort for the nationalization came from Musaddiq. In fact this is why after the US assisted coup d’état that deposed Musaddiq the Iranian oil industry was brought back under the control of foreign oil firms. He also pursued ethnic politics and this is demonstrated by his rise to power since he took over from his father. This means that he ascended to the position of Shah undemocratically. Like his father, Mohammad Reza was also tribal and only pursued ethnic interests. He supported his tribesmen and disregarded other communities that were increasingly being marginalized even after the reign of his father. It is as a result of this partisan nature that Mohammad Reza lost support from the working class. Like his father, he also lost the support of the clergy (Shi’a). His strong policy on modernization and secularization was the benchmark or platform for his lack of support among these populations. His ruling was also riddled with corruption and conflict with the traditional class of trader (merchants). Many Iranian nationalists also resented the reign of Mohammad Reza because of his affiliation with the United States and the United Kingdom. The affiliation took the form that Mohammad Reza with a lot of power was trying to westernize Iran while discarding the Iranian national values. Essentially, by westernizing Iran, Mohammad Reza was negating the Iranian ideals, hence lack of nationalism in him.
Musaddiq and Influence in the Middle East
Musaddiq largely influenced other Middle East leaders such as Gamal Abdul Nasser of Egypt. Essentially, Gamal Abdul Nasser facilitated the overthrow of the monarch in 1952.[19] This was the same time that Musaddiq’s National Front of Iran was spreading the gospel of democracy in the region. In the same spirit as Musaddiq, Nasser introduced rigid land reforms in Egypt and this was attributable to the influence he had from the activities going on in Iran. The National Front of Iran cofounded by Musaddiq perhaps was instrumental in setting precedent for Nasser to start the Non-Aligned Movement.
Musaddiq believed in the concept of nation building as well as modernization through envisioning a free and democratic Iran. His visions and ambitions ran through the entire Middle East. Leaders in the region such as the above mentioned Gamal Abdul Nasser purused democracy as a legacy they got from Musaddiq. He championed the elimination of foreign forces and control in Iran and this idea swept across the Middle East. In the present Middle Eastern countries, the foreign influence in the oil-rich region is not heard of and this dates back to the time of nationalization of AIOC that ended British control of Iranian oil. Dagres observes that the legacy of Musaddiq in the Middle East cannot be underestimated. He adds that although Musaddiq was the Prime Minister of Iran for only two years, he left a lasting mark on the country and the Middle East as a whole.[20]
Conclusion
Musaddiq left an indelible mark in Iranian political, social and economic landscape. His nationalism as found out was civil and liberation nationalism. In the Third World nationalism, nationalistic movements endeavor self-determination and removal of unnecessary and negative foreign influence of foreign countries. Nationalism in the Third World also entails pursuing social, economic and political goals in the best way that suit the people. Musaddiq is a former Prime Minister of Iran and has been argued in this paper as both civil and liberation nationalist. He championed for the nationalization of the oil company that was controlled by the Britain. He advocated for the respect of the constitution when Reza and his supporters wanted to override the Iranian Constitution. In addition, he also championed major reforms in Iran and incorporated the people into social welfare and social development. Musaddiq was instrumental in shaping Iran’s political landscape and defended the aggression and influence from the West. As a nationalist he promoted self rule and determination. Musaddiq also confounded the National Front of Iran- a party that advocated for democracy than monarchy and absence of foreign influence in Iran. By pushing for the nationalization of the oil company, Musaddiq’s nationalism manifested. His spirit of nationalism influenced the Middle East leadership and nationalism especially when he was referred to the Man of the Year from Middle East by Time Magazine.[21]
Bibliography
Beiner, Ronald. Liberalism, Nationalism, Citizenship: Essays on the Problem of Political Community. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2003.
Cyr, Ruth N. Twentieth Century Africa. Lincoln, NE: Writers Club Press, 2001.
Ferrier, R W, and James Bamberg. The History of the British Petroleum Company. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982.
Füredi, Frank. Colonial Wars and the Politics of Third World Nationalism. London: I. B. Tauris, 1994
Holliday, Shabnam J. Defining Iran: Politics of Resistance. Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate, 2011
Dagres Holy. Mossadegh’s legacy: a sleeping lion called nationalism. 2013. Accessed December 10 2014<http://www.yourmiddleeast.com/features/mossadeghs-legacy-a-sleeping-lion-called-nationalism_9281>
Kamrava, Mehran. The Modern Middle East: A Political History Since the First World War. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011
Katouzian, Homa. Musaddiq and the Struggle for Power in Iran. London: I.B. Tauris, 1999
Louis, William R. Ends of British Imperialism: The Scramble for Empire, Suez and Decolonization : Collected Essays. London: I.B. Tauris, 2006
Pascla, Mahvi. Deadly Secrets of Iranian Princes: Audacity to Act. Gardners Books, 2010.
Sharkey, Heather J. Living with Colonialism: Nationalism and Culture in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. Berkeley, Calif: University of California Press, 2003.
Worsley, Peter. The Third World. Chicago: Univ. Press, 1970.
[1]Frank Füredi, Colonial Wars and the Politics of Third World Nationalism. (London: I. B. Tauris, 1994), 4
[2]Peter Worsley,The Third World. (Chicago: Univ. Press, 1970.), 65
[3]Homa Katouzian,Musaddiq and the Struggle for Power in Iran. (London: I.B. Tauris, 1999), 7
[5]Ibid, 36
[6]Heather Sharkey,Living with Colonialism: Nationalism and Culture in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. (Berkeley, Calif: University of California Press, 2003), 3
[7]Homa Katouzian,Musaddiq and the Struggle for Power in Iran. (London: I.B. Tauris, 1999), 2
[8]Shabnam Holliday,Defining Iran: Politics of Resistance. (Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate, 2011), 38
[9]Homa Katouzian,Musaddiq and the Struggle for Power in Iran. (London: I.B. Tauris, 1999), 12
[10]William Louis,Ends of British Imperialism: The Scramble for Empire, Suez and Decolonization: Collected Essays. (London: I.B. Tauris, 2006) ,169
[11]Rowe Ferrier and Bamberg James,The History of the British Petroleum Company. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 250
[12]Ibid, 480
[13]Mehran Kamrava,The Modern Middle East: A Political History Since the First World War. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011), 46
[14]Shabnam Holliday,Defining Iran: Politics of Resistance. (Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate, 2011), 47
[16]Homa Katouzian,Musaddiq and the Struggle for Power in Iran. (London: I.B. Tauris, 1999), 56
[17]Homa Katouzian,Musaddiq and the Struggle for Power in Iran. (London: I.B. Tauris, 1999), 50
[18]Ibid 10
[19]Ruth Cyr,Twentieth Century Africa (Lincoln, NE: Writers Club Press, 2001), 48
[20]Holly Dagres. Mossadegh’s legacy: a sleeping lion called nationalism. 2013(Accessed December 10 2014<http://www.yourmiddleeast.com/features/mossadeghs-legacy-a-sleeping-lion-called-nationalism_9281>) par. 1
[21]Holly Dagres. Mossadegh’s legacy: a sleeping lion called nationalism. 2013 (Accessed December 10 2014<http://www.yourmiddleeast.com/features/mossadeghs-legacy-a-sleeping-lion-called-nationalism_9281>) par. 5
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